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In recent years, institutions worldwide have begun to reexamine their permanent collections and curatorial displays, reconsidering how these frame and narrate art history and the evolution of civilization. No museum operates as a truly neutral entity—each institution shapes how we perceive art history and society’s larger cultural dynamics. Confronting longstanding questions of representation, inclusivity and power embedded in traditional narratives, museums are adopting new approaches to collecting, operations and promotion that are more fluid and critically engaged. Once presented through static and crystallized frameworks, art and artifacts on display may be rotated in or out of exhibitions, recontextualized via placard texts or even returned to their country of origin in the service of more pluralistic, multilayered and equitable presentations of global art and cultural histories.
The museographic strategy adopted by the Louvre Abu Dhabi, which opened in 2017 in the U.A.E., is particularly revealing in how it aligns with the country’s broader political agenda, both in terms of cultural diplomacy and domestic and international policy. Indeed, the museum is staging what may be an unprecedented museographic proposition: a synchronically intercultural narrative of civilization’s development, tracing how artistic, spiritual and scientific breakthroughs unfolded in parallel across disparate regions of the world.
French architect Jean Nouvel’s tour de force rises with deliberate spectacle along the waterfront of the emerging cultural district on Saadiyat Island, soon to host a lineup of equally spectacular buildings: the Guggenheim Abu Dhabi, the Zayed National Museum, the Natural History Museum—all currently under construction—and teamLab Phenomena Abu Dhabi, the immersive digital museum by the Japanese collective teamLab, which opened just last week. It sits less than a ten-minute drive from some of the most beautiful and luxurious resorts recently built along the island’s white-sand beaches and clear-water shoreline, with many more still on the way.
Emerging from the turquoise waters like a mirage with luminous white volumes, Nouvel reimagined the museum not as a singular monument but as a porous city of knowledge—open, fluid and in dialogue with its surroundings. Inspired by traditional Arab medinas and low-lying desert settlements, the building appears to hover above the waterline, establishing a visual and conceptual continuity with Arabic heritage and aesthetic traditions. Its crowning architectural gesture—a 180-meter-wide dome composed of eight interlocking layers of steel and aluminum latticework—casts a mesmerizing “rain of light,” echoing the dappled sunlight of an oasis palm grove while invoking the transcendental role of geometric abstraction in Islamic art as a non-figurative pathway to the divine.
While the Louvre in Paris—like the British Museum or the Metropolitan Museum of Art—continues isolating and compartmentalizing cultures into distinct zones, one encounters a strikingly different logic here. Gold funerary masks from Peru (100 BCE-700 BCE), the Philippines (900-1200) and Lebanon (600-800 BCE) are in a shared vitrine; representations of motherhood from the Ivory Coast, Egypt and France sit side by side; and funerary objects from Oceania, China and France appear in direct dialogue.
Other vitrines trace the migration of decorative and symbolic motifs across continents, shaped by trade, imitation and adaptation into the visual vocabularies of receiving cultures. Patterns from Chinese blue-and-white porcelain were reimagined in Iznik (the epicenter of ceramic production in the Ottoman Empire), fused with floral motifs inspired by Istanbul’s gardens. In Venice, these same designs were reinterpreted through Italian Mannerism’s lens, absorbing the local tradition’s colors and ornamental language.
As visitors move through the exhibition—and along the arc of civilization—a resonant curatorial juxtaposition appears: a medieval statue of the Virgin Mary with child stands in alignment with turquoise tiles bearing Quranic verses and an ancient Buddha sculpture. Positioned on a single axis, these objects reveal how, nearly 2,000 years ago, the rise of universal religions unfolded almost simultaneously across Europe, Asia and Africa. “By addressing their message to all humanity without distinction, Buddhism, Christianity, and Islam transcended local cultural characteristics and deeply transformed ancient societies,” reads the wall text, underscoring how the spread of belief systems, far from being solely defined by conflict, also created spaces of mutual influence and shared transformation.
The climax of these cross-cultural curatorial pairings arguably arrives near the end of the exhibition. In the contemporary section, a dialogue unfolds between a futuristic sculpture by Marcel Duchamp, a 19th-century ceremonial dance paddle from the Rapa Nui culture of Chile and a curvilinear headdress shaped like a snake from the Nalu or Baga culture in Guinea (dated between 1800 and 1940). Together, they reveal the extent to which Modernism owes its visual language to non-Western cultures, particularly in its synthetic treatment of the human form, reduced to pure line and formal essence, as seen in ritualistic and totemic artifacts.
In the final room, Cy Twombly’s pseudo-script and Willem de Kooning’s gestural abstraction channel the same primal need to leave a mark that pulses through time in the imaginative figures carved into rock faces by Arabian shepherds over 4,000 years ago—presented here in direct visual dialogue. As this across-time exchange between picture and script unfolds, a vessel painted by Keith Haring, covered in hieroglyphic-like humanoid figures, mirrors that same impulse: a drive to invent a visual language of pictograms and symbols that predate formal writing systems, springing instead from raw expression and emotional charge.
Although the curatorial parallels may at times stretch the viewer’s suspension of disbelief, the underlying message resonates clearly: human development follows a shared trajectory, with civilizations across geographies arriving at similar breakthroughs in tandem—each shaped, expanded and deepened by the ongoing flow of cross-cultural exchange.
As with MASP in São Paulo, the Louvre Abu Dhabi likewise embraces transparency in its display strategies, allowing for a layered interplay of artifacts, cultural narratives and aesthetic vocabularies that enables synchronic dialogues across time and geography. Here, objects are not isolated but visually and conceptually interwoven, forming revealing parallels and unexpected juxtapositions that complicate linear readings of art history.
Completing this dialogue across time and space is a permanent installation by Jenny Holzer, which engages enduring themes of civilization, historical memory and cross-cultural exchange through three texts carved into marble panels on the external walls of the museum’s galleries. Written in Sumerian-Akkadian, Arabic and French, these inscriptions present excerpts from a Mesopotamian Creation Myth tablet excavated from the ancient city of Assur in present-day Iraq, the 1588 annotated edition of Michel de Montaigne’s Essais and a passage from Ibn Khaldun’s 14th-century Muqaddimah, held in the Atif Efendi Library in Istanbul—a foundational text for modern disciplines such as economics, sociology, ethnography and the philosophy of history. Reflecting the museum’s multicultural origins and universalist approach to culture and creativity, Holzer’s intervention brings these texts—on the origins of thought, the act of writing and the transmission of knowledge—into a powerful spatial conversation with the building’s architecture. In doing so, she reactivates historical consciousness, inviting viewers to consider the universal rhythm of societal development shaped by the shared existential questions that have echoed across human civilizations for millennia.
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President Trump said Tuesday he will move to normalize relations and lift sanctions on Syria’s new government to give the country “a chance at peace.”
Mr. Trump was set to meet Wednesday in Saudi Arabia with Syrian President Ahmad al-Sharaa, the onetime insurgent who last year led the overthrow of former leader Bashar Assad. He said the effort at rapprochement came at the urging of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, the Saudi de facto ruler, and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.
“There is a new government that will hopefully succeed,” Mr. Trump said of Syria, adding, “I say good luck, Syria. Show us something special.”
The developments were a major boost for the Syrian president who at one point was imprisoned in Iraq for his role in the insurgency following the 2003 U.S.-led invasion of the Arab country. Al-Sharaa was named president of Syria in January, a month after a stunning offensive by insurgent groups led by al-Sharaa’s Hayat Tahrir al-Sham or HTS that stormed Damascus ending the 54-year rule of the Assad family.
The U.S. has been weighing how to handle al-Sharaa since he took power in December. Gulf leaders, have rallied behind the new government in Damascus and will want Mr. Trump to follow, believing it is a bulwark against Iran’s return to influence in Syria, where it had helped prop up Assad’s government during a decade-long civil war.
Then-President Joe Biden left the decision to Mr. Trump, whose administration has yet to formally recognize the new Syrian government. Sanctions imposed on Damascus under Assad also remain in place.
“The President agreed to say hello to the Syrian President while in Saudi Arabia tomorrow,” the White House said before Mr. Trump’s remarks.
The comments marked a striking change in tone from Mr. Trump and put him at odds with longtime U.S. ally Israel, which has been deeply skeptical of Al-Sharaa’s extremist past and cautioned against swift recognition of the new government.
Formerly known by the nom de guerre Abu Mohammed al-Golani, al-Sharaa joined the ranks of al Qaeda insurgents battling U.S. forces in Iraq after the U.S.-led invasion in 2003 and still faces a warrant for his arrest on terrorism charges in Iraq.
Al-Sharaa, whom the U.S. once offered $10 million for information about his whereabouts because of his links to al-Qaida, came back to his home country after the conflict began in 2011 where he led al-Qaida’s branch that used to be known as the Nusra Front. He later changed the name of his group to Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and cut links with al-Qaida.
Al-Sharaa is set to become the first Syrian leader to meet an American president since the late Hafez Assad met Bill Clinton in Geneva in 2000.
Mr. Trump was in Saudi Arabia on Tuesday for the first stop of his four-day trip to the Middle East. The trip is Mr. Trump’s first of his second term and later this week, he will travel to Qatar and the United Arab Emirates.
The president delivered remarks at a U.S.-Saudi investment summit in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia’s capital, as the White House announced a $600 billion investment from Saudi Arabia, including what it touted as the “largest defense sales agreement in history.”
WASHINGTON — Senior adviser and assistant to the president Steve Witkoff told Breitbart News exclusively that the government of Iran has told him that the Iranians have agreed they do not want a nuclear weapon.
Witkoff, who made the explosive revelation in an exclusive long-form on-camera interview with Breitbart News on Thursday at the White House, is leading negotiations for President Donald Trump with the Islamic Republic of Iran. Witkoff is expected to meet with the Iranians, possibly as soon as this weekend, for a fourth round of talks in Oman, after two previous discussions in Iran and another in Rome. Witkoff will be meeting with them during a broader trip to the Middle East this upcoming week, where President Trump is expected to visit Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. Witkoff is joining Trump for those legs of the trip, but breaking off on his own to meet with the Iranians separately in Oman at the president’s direction.
“We’ve stated our position. The Iranians cannot have a bomb. They have stated back that they don’t want one,” Witkoff told Breitbart News. “So we’re going to, for the purposes of this discussion, take them at their word that that’s actually how they feel. If that’s how they feel, then their enrichment facilities have to be dismantled. They cannot have centrifuges. They have to downblend all of their fuel that they have there and send it to a faraway place—and they have to convert to a civil program if they want to run a civil program. Now, they have a civil reactor actually in the state of Iran—it’s called Bushehr. They have no enrichment capability at this place and if we take them at their word why not just turn all the rest of their facilities just like Bushehr? Bushehr they have no ability to enrich, they have no ability to have centrifuges there, they can only use that facility for civilian purposes—making of electricity and things of that sort of civilian purposes—and if that is what they choose to do, if they believe in that program, they ought to expand it if they want to. An enrichment program can never exist in the state of Iran ever again. That’s our red line. No enrichment. That means dismantlement, it means no weaponization, and it means that Natanz, Fordow, and Isfahan—those are their three enrichment facilities—have to be dismantled.”
Asked if an eventual deal with the Iranians would look like former President Barack Obama’s failed Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA) or if it would be a tougher deal, Witkoff said the Iranians are in a “more vulnerable” position than they were a decade ago during JCPOA negotiations and therefore any eventual deal will be much stronger.
“I think they’re a lot more vulnerable today but look, we’re not—the purpose here is to actually sit with them, talk with them, and talk them through why they should do it our way,” Witkoff said. “They may not accept that, but it makes no sense to me why they wouldn’t accept it. First of all, we’re never doing a JCPOA deal where sanctions come off and there’s no sunsetting of their obligations. That doesn’t make sense. That was a mismatched procedure in JCPOA. We believe that they cannot have enrichment, they cannot have centrifuges, they cannot have anything that allows them to build a weapon. We believe in all of that. That was not JCPOA. JCPOA had sunset provisions that burned off the obligations and burned off the sanctions relief at inappropriate times. It’s never going to happen in this deal.”
Witkoff added that he thinks it would be “unwise” for the Iranians to “test President Trump,” and believes “they have no choice” but to accept the U.S. terms for a denuclearization deal.
“Well, I’m a rational, sensible person,” Witkoff said. “So, I just believe they have no choice. Obviously, they can say no and they can test President Trump but I think that would be an unwise thing to do. I don’t mean that in a confrontational way to them if they end up watching this show. I mean it is a reality. They cannot have a bomb and they have said they do not want a bomb. They have attested to it. They have said they only want to operate in a civil way. There are multiple civil nuclear programs all over the world and they are operating without enrichment capability. They don’t need enrichment capability to operate a civil program.”
Witkoff also said that the U.S. will not accept a bad deal, and will walk away if it is not very strong.
“That’s correct,” Witkoff said when asked if the U.S. would not accept a bad deal. “And look, we didn’t think that the talks last week were going to be productive because we needed to get to certain understandings with them, and hopefully this Sunday they will be productive. Hopefully that means they will continue those talks. If they are not productive on Sunday, then they won’t continue and we’ll have to take a different route.”
While talks at this moment are focused exclusively on nuclear issues, Witkoff did say, when asked if there is a possibility of expanding the talks with Iran to include cultural and economic planks of a deal or vision with the West similar to human rights provisions contained in 1970s era deals with the Soviet Union like the Helsinki agreement, that he thinks that could happen in later phases of talks when the Iranians get there on nuclear talks. He also said that in later phases the U.S. intends to pressure the Iranians to stop funding and supplying weapons to groups like Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis.
“We’re inviting Iran to be a member of the league of nations,” Witkoff said. “We think that they are an industrious people, a smart people historically, savvy, good merchants—all those sorts of things. I have plenty of friends who are of Iranian heritage and there are some interesting people—authors and doctors and lawyers and so forth. We’re saying to Iran: ‘You can be a better nation. We can do business with you. We can have strategic relationships with you. But you can’t be a provocateur.’ Now, our negotiations with them today is limited to nuclear. But do we think they need to stop enabling Hamas, Hezbollah, the Houthis, and pulling back from being a provocateur? We do believe that. That’s a secondary discussion. Do we think that they should not be supplying weapons to people we consider to be our enemies? We believe that. But again, we don’t want to confuse the nuclear discussion because that to us is the existential issue. That’s the issue that needs to be solved today and quickly.”
More from Witkoff’s exclusive interview with Breitbart News is forthcoming.